INSECURITY; A THORN IN NIGERIA’S FLESH The Treacherous Pathway to the Boko Haram Insurgence 2011-14.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Background to the study

Events very often (if not always) such as domestic policies and actions of sovereign governments, the routine exercise of power on matters which border on day-to-day governance, can snowball into foreign policy controversies that are likely to attract global attention. When this situation arises, the issues or matters upon which governments have acted within the domestic jurisdiction of states or governments become the object of international concern.

The operation of Boko Haram has moved from the sphere of the domestic or internal domain. Albert Tanimu Sam Tsokwa, the chairman of the House of Representatives on Rules and Business realized the interconnections between Boko Haram which started in Nigeria as a domestic issue and the external dimension of this same phenomenon especially when he was asked whether the National Assembly could intervene (The Guardian (Lagos) February 21, 2012 p.8.).

Terrorism and trans-border crime pose a serious security threat to all our countries, so we will strengthen border patrols and other areas of cooperation with our neighbours, to ensure the safety of our citizens. Such issues (like the case of Boko Haram) may provoke favourable or negative reactions from other Nations that are touched by policies emanating from there, and this can invariably lead to the enhancement or deterioration of bilateral or multilateral relations.

For instance, the state of emergency declared by former President Goodluck Jonathan on Borno, Yobe, Plateau and the Niger States have been reacted against negatively by the people of the area. Thus, following this action of the former president, the United State of America warned her Nationals not to travel to such problematic areas in Nigeria. The widespread insecurity, following the terrorist attacks in Nigeria, prompted former President Jonathan wanting to boost security ties with other West African countries bordering Nigeria. Jonathan declared thus while meeting his Niger Republic counterpart, Muhamadou Issoufou: Touched by the degree of insecurity that overwhelmed the country, the Federal Government had recently deported seven thousand (7000) illegal immigrants from Chad and Niger Republic (The Moment (Lagos) February 29, 2012. P.1.).

In another development, the deliberate destruction of lives and properties prompted the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, Ban ki-moon to ask the Federal Government to mobilize forces to quell the Boko Haram terror attacks. Also, the United Nations suspended travels to Nigeria over the Abuja bomb blast and simultaneously became worried over the death toll necessitated by Boko Haram. Closely related to this incidence of Boko Haram incidence was the 1960 Sharpeville massacre during which peaceful protesters were callously mowed down by apartheid police. This incidence haunted apartheid, South Africa, for several decades and provoked increased international outrage that led to the denunciation of apartheid as a crime against humanity (British Journal of Arts and Social Sciences ISSN: 2046-9578, Vol.11, No.11(2013).

Statement of Research Problem

The activities of the dreaded terrorist group called Boko Haram has devastated the socio-economic and political life of Nigerians especially in the North-Eastern part of the country. This terrorist activity does not exist in a vacuum, because it is a result of ideological, ethnic and religious differences that brought about terrorism to the North-Eastern part of the country. Relative deprivation is also a cause of this insurgency in the sense that jobless and idle youths are been recruited and brainwashed to join the course of this wicked terrorist group called Boko Haram. The diversity of Nigeria along ethnic and religious lines is threatening the existence of the country and affecting external relations in form of discouraging direct foreign investment instead of fostering peace and unity

Research Question

This research work seeks to provide answers to the following questions:

1. What led to the emergence of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria?

2. How has the emergence of this insurgent affected Nigeria’s external relations?

3. Why has the Federal government of Nigeria unable to defeat these insurgents?

Objectives of the Study

The broad objectives of the study are to examine the impact of insecurity in Nigeria’s development and external relation using the Boko Haram insurgency as a case study.

To achieve this specifically, this research work is designed to;

1. Determine the circumstances that led to the emergence of the Boko Haram insurgency.

2. Evaluate how the emergence of this insurgency has affected Nigeria external relations.

3. Assess efforts made by the federal government of Nigeria to curb this menace.

Assumptions of the Study

1. Inequality resulting from income and starvation can bring about the emergence of insurgency

2. Internal insecurity arising from the emergence of insurgency is likely to affect Nigeria’s external relations.

3. The provision of adequate security in our territorial borders and within is likely to curb the activities of insurgents.

Significance of the Study

The available body of literature on development normally focuses on democratic governance, insecurity and ethnoreligious conflicts as it affects the Nation. However, only little efforts have been made to investigate issues of security as it affects Nigeria’s external relations. This study, therefore, is an attempt to extrapolate the insecurity threats within the country and its consequences on her external relations despite the fact that Nigeria has undergone the democratization process since 1999. This then constitutes the gap in the literature which this study intends to fill. This work is therefore significant in the sense that democratization in Nigeria has not yet yielded many dividends to the people of Nigeria. This in effect gave credence to the emergence of insurgents in some parts of the country especially the North-Eastern part of Nigeria. More so, this research work will be of immense help to foreign affairs analyst, academia, policy formulators, public affairs commentators and the security organizations in Nigeria.

Scope and Limitations of the Study

The scope of this research work is 2011 to 2014 which encompasses the investigation and the effect of insecurity in Nigeria and her external relations, using Boko Haram as a case study. This research work is however limited in a dearth of materials, especially accurate textbooks and journals dealing with insecurity. Time and space also pose a challenge to the research of this magnitude. However, we were able to overcome these challenges by utilizing the available text from the school library as well as surfing the internet for relevant text and articles. More so, we're able to manage our time in writing this research work by spending extra hours making sure that the content of this project achieves its intended purpose.

Conceptual Clarification

Words are defined as they are used by the researcher. This means that the researcher uses certain words in the way they fit the study which may be different from the ordinary dictionary meaning. For an operational understanding of the terms used in this study, the definitions are as follows:

A a. External Relations: Is the process of establishing strong relationships with other Nations or country outside the territorial boundary of a particular nation or country. It includes understanding the many ways in which relating to other Nation contributes to the lives of the citizens of that country or nation.

b. Boko Haram: The term Boko Haram is a derivation of Hausa and Arabic word. While "Boko" is a Hausa word that loosely translates to ‘anti-western’ or otherwise ‘non-Islamic education’, Haram which is an Arabic word literally means ‘sin or forbidden’. In other words, Boko Haram literally means western education is forbidden or it’s a sin (Wikipedia, Boko Haram, 14/08/2015:1). Boko Haram is a very controversial Nigeria terrorist Islamic group that seeks the imposition of Sharia law in the entire northern states of Nigeria. The official name of the group is ‘Jama’atu Alis-sunna Lidda’awth wal jihad, which in Arabic translates to ‘people committed to the propagation of the teaching of the prophet’ and jihad means ‘holy war’. Therefore, the group means an association of Sunnis for the propagation of Islam and for holy war.

c. Insurgence: This is defined as a political or religious battle waged among a cooperative or acquiescence populace in order for a group of outsiders to take over (or at least undermine) the government of a nation.

d. Crime: On the definition of crime, the United Nation Research Institution observed that crime in the sense of a branch of a legal prohibition is a universal concept. What constitutes a crime and how seriously it should be regarded varies enormously from one society to another. Crimes are not determined by any objective indicator of the degree of injury or damage, but by cultural values and power relations (UN Research Institute for Social Development, (1995). In a strict legal definition, however, a crime in violation of the criminal law which is subsequently followed by legal punishment (Dambazau, 2007).

e. Violence: Violence is defined by the World Health Organization (WHO) as the international use of power, threatened against oneself or another person or group, that either result in injuries, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation. (Wikipedia, WHO, 2015).

f. Sect: Sect can be seen as a body of persons distinguished by peculiarities of faith and practice form other bodies adhering to the same general system, especially the collective adherents to a particular creed or confession (Britani world language dictionary).

g. Peace: Peace is generally defined as the absence of war, conflict, anxiety, suffering, violence, and the presence of justice. However, peace connotes more than a mere absence of war and violence. Therefore, peace could be defined as a political condition that ensures justice and social stability through formal or informal institutions, practices and norms (Howard, 1987)

h. Security: Security can be generally defined to mean, the total sum of action and measures, including legislative and operational procedures adopted to ensure peace, stability and the general wellbeing of a nation and its citizens (Shinikaiye, 2004:2).

i. Terrorism: Terrorism is perhaps the most controversial problematic concept to define in the world today. This is made more problematic because it is difficult to distinguish between the legitimate act of resistance and the criminal act of terrorism. Despite these difficulties, however, terrorism could be conceptualized as the politically motivated acts of violation perpetrated against civilians with the aim of inflicting mass casualties, instilling fear and a sense of insecurity and affecting a change in the policies and activities of the victims (Nolan, 1998:39).

j. NationalSecurity: National security is best described as the capacity to control those domestic and foreign conditions that the public opinion of a given community believes necessary to enjoy its own self-determination or autonomy, prosperity and wellbeing (Maier,2000:5).

k. IslamicFundamentalism: Islamic fundamentalism is a term used to describe religious ideologies seen as advocating a return to the fundamentals of Islam, the Quran and the Summah. It is deemed problematic by those who suggest that Islamic belief requires all Muslims to be fundamentalists (Bernard, 1993). Islamic fundamentalist opposes the infiltration of secular and westernizing influences and seeks to institute Islamic law into Muslims and a strict code of behaviour.

l. DomesticTerrorism: Domestic terrorism is the commission of terrorist attacks in a state by forces inside or originating from the state, as opposed to terrorist attacks by external forces. In other words, domestic terrorism is a terrorist act practice in one’s own country against her own people.

Organization of the Study

The study is divided into four chapters. Chapter one discusses the background to the study, statement of the problem, research questions, objectives of the study, assumptions of the study, significance of the study, scope and limitations, conceptual clarification, organization of the study. While chapter two consists of the review of the literature and the theoretical framework and chapter three contain the methodology employed to achieve the research objectives.

Chapter four presents the research data, results, test of hypothesis conducted and the interpretation of results.

REFERENCES

British Journal of Arts and Social Sciences. (2013). ISSN:2046-9578, Vol.11, No. II.

Dambazau, A.B. (2007), Criminology and Criminal Justice. Ibadan: Spectrum Books

Howard, M. (1984), The Causes of War. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Josef Iorakpen-Ishu, “FG deports 7,000 illegal immigrants” The Moment (Lagos) February 29, 2012, p.1.

Maier, K. (2000), The House Has Fallen: Nigeria in Crisis. London: Penguin Publishers

Nolan, J. (1998), The Greenwood Encyclopedia International Relations. London: Greenwood publishing

The Guardian (Lagos) February 21, 2012, p.8.

Tsokwa Albert, “With strong political will, Boko Haram can be dealt with”

United Nations (1995), Definition of Crime. Research Institute for Social Justice. Vol.2 Nos. 1-5

www.wikipedia.com (2015), Boko Haram. August 10, 2015.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Literature Review

In the course of this study, the following literature will be reviewed;

1. Security and insecurity

2. Causes of insecurity

3. Consequences of insecurity on investment and employment

4. The Manifestations of insecurity in Nigeria

5. Relationship between Corruption and Insecurity

Security and Insecurity

The concepts of “security and insecurity” are typical social science concepts that appear principally in the literature of social psychology, sociology, political science and allied subjects. In the framework of political science, the concept of security according to Bar-Tal and Jacobson (1998) denotes a situation that provides national and international conditions favourable to the protection of the nation, state and its citizens against existing and potential threats. The socio-psychological conceptual framework of security on the other hand acknowledges the military, political, economic and cultural conditions which play an important role in creating situations of security. Specifically, however, the situation of security assures the survival of a state, its territorial integrity, repulsion of a military attack, defence and protection of citizen’s life and property, protection of economic welfare and social stability (Haftendorn, 1991).

Analysts have examined the problem of insecurity generally from various perspectives. Cameron and Mc-Cormic (1954) have pointed out nine different sources of insecurity, namely; insecurity as an emotional response to sudden external threats from within; and insecurity from a relatively constant threat to an external situation; insecurity due to the threat from within; and insecurity as a function of beliefs, especially religious; etc. These categories of insecurity are believed to be caused by “frustration and neurosis” (Cameron and McCormick (1954:559). This classification notwithstanding, Cameron and McCormick's work contains little of what can be regarded as research on insecurity. This is because the work is filled with speculations without empirical evidence. Also, issues raised are not exhaustively discussed.

Bar-Tal and Jacobson (1998) have also examined issues of security and insecurity using the security challenges in Israel as a case study. They specifically concerned themselves with approaches and methods of dealing with security situations. Thus, two main approaches to security studies were identified, namely; political and socio-psychological approaches. According to the political approach, security is an essential precondition of an ordered existence for an individual and societal system. Here, collective individuals must have a secured environment that allows them to pursue their goals without being subjected to threats. The argument of this approach is that it is the role of the state to provide security to its citizens, both on internal and external levels. On the domestic level, the state has to create economic, societal, cultural, environmental and educational conditions which assure life to its citizens. On the international level, the state has to defend its citizens against possible harm from external forces (Buzan, 1991). Thus, this approach is concerned with military alliances, and foreign policy. Comprehensive as this approach may be, it neglects the economic, societal, cultural and psychological issues which are imperative to the study of security. The socio-psychological approach, on the other hand, argues that people as individual and /or group members (e.g., members of economic groups or nations) experience security or insecurity, with regards to own personal life and/or with regard to their collective entity and its systems. Security thus is a psychology experience. Generally, however, the paper did not explain, using both approaches to the study of security, which primarily causes insecurity in any given society.

In a recent study, Eriksen, Bal and Salemik (2010), examined security and insecurity from an anthropological perspective. Here, attempts were made to conceptualize insecurity from the perspective of social and human security. However, the major flaw of the paper is that it did not contextualize insecurity. In other words, the study did not locate insecurity within a given geographical environment or location.

Causes of Insecurity

The Mo Ibrahim Foundation (2009 and 2011) offers an operational definition of security at individual and national levels. At the level of an individual, security encompasses safety from domestic political persecution, social unrest and safety of the person. Others are freedom from violent crimes and human trafficking. At the national level, security means safety from cross-border tensions, government involvement in armed conflict and the extent of domestic armed conflict. It is also concerned with the number of political refugees and internally displaced people. From the aforementioned definitions, insecurity denotes the prevalence of physical and or potential threat of fear, anxiety or danger detrimental to the safety and survival of individuals, groups and the state at Large. This can be economic, social, political and environmental. In Nigeria, this comprises of the rising incidence of armed robbery, kidnapping, and militancy in the Niger delta. The dreaded Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria, electoral violence, communal clashes, ritual killings and oil bunkering amongst others.

The causes of insecurity are many and varied. These include the proliferation of arms from war-torn countries, local manufacturers and multinational co-operations. Okiro and Bujra (2004) identified that the multi-ethnic character of most African states makes conflict more likely leading to a politicization of ethnicity, the distortion in the political economy of African and the activities of international arms merchants. Others are competing for scarce resources such as the extraction of oil in the Niger delta and the resultant environmental degradation. The international firearm prevention and policy estimates the increasing numbering of gun-deaths and injury in Nigeria from 1,255 in 2000 to 2,120 in 2001 and 2,550 in 2004 (Tell Magazine, 2012). Similarly, the large quantity of sophisticated arms and ammunition surrendered by the Niger Delta militants in the amnesty programmed indicates the alarming rate of these weapons in the country and its security implications for the country (Tell Magazine, 2009).

Consequences of Insecurity on Investment and Employment

Ike Okorie laments that Nigeria would not be able to tap into about $1.4 trillion investment capital which circulates around the world for as long as the insecurity persists. His main concern is the need to examine what the rising insecurity portends for the country particularly in the areas of foreign investment and employment generation. Insecurity is a risk factor that investors all over the world are scared of taking. This makes them look elsewhere to invest their capital. Okorie argues that the severe security threat to life and property in some part of the country, sends wrong signals to the international community; stating that “economic globalization is not just a historical evolution but also a process (Okorie, 2011:26). Will there be peace in our time? This is the question pointedly raised and address by Rotimi Fasan (2011), in his piece culled from the Vanguard newspaper. His thesis is that going by the magnitude of the social and political upheavals around the world, one will not be far from the truth to assert that, there is never a period in human history more turbulent than today. He posits that peace couldn’t have been farther from our doorstep. Apart from the economic and social problems, we are bedevilled constantly today with the fear of attack by one extremist group or the other. Hostage-taking, bomb-throwing and violent crimes are now part of our daily life that we only shake our heads to acknowledge the events and move on as if nothing has happened. He concludes; with all these troubles of daily living, finding food to eat and paying bills in the midst of direct attacks by those propagating one extremist view or another, there is no word for it, but that we are in trouble times” (Fasan,2011:36).

There are three major contending perspectives to the understanding of insecurity questions. There is the armed robbery theory, wobble economy and opposition ruling party theses. The Armed robbery theory posits that the high wave of armed robbery in the country is primarily the cause of insecurity in Nigeria. It also argues that in Nigeria, politics is extremely competitive and elections are perceived as zero-sum contests. The fallout is the increasing militarization of politics, the use of violence as an electoral tool and the inculcation of a culture of violence in society. Again, this thesis recognizes the existence of armed groups of varying character and intent operating in Nigeria (Abubakar, 2004).

However, today’s armed groups are increasingly sophisticated in their actions compared to those of the past. The armed robbery thesis concludes by arguing that as a result of the zero-sum politics combined with the prevalence of armed groups provided an easy marriage between politics and violence. Armed groups have taken advantage of the opportunities presented by being hired hands, and have now developed their own bases of economic support (armed robbery) thereby freeing themselves from their political patrons (Akintunde, 2007).

The major proponents of this thesis include former President Obasanjo and other government apologists. They used this theory to explain the mindless murder of Bola Ige, Alfred Rewane, Dikibo, Marshall Harry and other party chieftains sent to their early graves between 1999 and 2008. Keen observers and analyst of the polity have inflamed this thesis. They countered by positing that in all these high-profile killings, the assailants drove away without taking a pin further weakens this conjecture (Ajetunmobi, 2012).

The proponents of this thesis stopped short of propounding the armed banditry thesis after the attack on former governors Akume, Ibori, Nnamani, Udenwa, Tinubu, Orji and among others (Ibrahim and Igbuzor, 2012:12).

Closely related to the armed robbery thesis are the wobble economy thesis and the fallout it generates on the nation. This theory posits that as a result of the growing array of qualified and unqualified youths competing in the existing saturated labour market, there is a tendency for them to be recruited and exploited as hired killers. It further argues that as a result of the high level of poverty among Nigerians, the youth is adversely attracted to violent crime. These youths are lured and armed by “second term politicians” who want to retain power no matter the cost, arm them with guns. After these elections, none of these guns was recovered from these new merchants of death (Agbaegbu, 2006).

Ibrahim and Igbuzor (2012:12) add that while the poor people in Nigeria rate insecurity as a cause of poverty, they do not necessarily see poverty as a cause of armed conflict. While we are not necessarily disputing the linkage between poverty and violent conflict, the nature of that linkage remains to be classified. In the first place, if poverty exists and has apparently existed as a pervasive and structural feature of the Nigerian state, why has it not produced the sort of conflict that we have witnessed in recent years?

It would appear that the thesis for the above link might well lie in relative deprivation rather than absolute poverty. So, set against the inability of the government to provide basic infrastructure and basic services for its populace, new conflicts have emerged through politicized agents who have used the conditions of the poor to address the responses or non-responses of the state to the lawful yearning of the citizens. This has led some groups to engage in and try to influence the political process themselves. These conflicts in Nigeria are purposeful in intent and directed at key targets, whether economic or political. Armed violence is about more than oil, ethnicity, or politics. In essence, such action is about access to resources, whether through committing crimes, playing communal tensions, stealing oil or winning elections (Agbaegbu, 2006).

The third thesis is the ruling-opposition party thesis. According to this perspective, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) accuses the opposition parties of engaging in violent crimes and other anti-democratic characters which are aimed at truncating democracy in Nigeria. According to the PDP, the only way to get even with the government is to create a crisis for it. This supposes that it is farfetched but it is not impossible.

The PDP cited the bomb blast in Osun, Ekiti and the ethno-religiousus clashes in Ondo, Jos and Bauchi to support their argument. Those who are opposed to this view accuse the ruling party then of masterminding the “state-sponsored terrorism”. A case index is probably the allegation of the action congress and conference of Nigeria political parties and former governor Orji Uzor Kalu that certain forces within the PDP are behind the bloodletting in the country. The former chairman of the board of trustee of the PDP is at the centre of the accusation. This thesis reinforces Wole Soyinka’s nest of killers’ theory residing within the PDP thesis (Eme,2004).

In view of the above theses, one can posit that Nigeria in recent times has witnessed an unprecedented level of insecurity. Inter and intra-communal and ethnic clashes, ethno-religious violence, armed robbery, assassination, murder, gender-based violence, bomb explosion have been on the increase leading to enormous loss of life and property and a general atmosphere of siege and social tension for the populace (Ibrahim and igbuzor, 2002:2). While communities and ethno-regional and religious groups fight each other, state agents and party officials have been involved in the perpetration of violence and destruction as reflected in the Odi, Benue, Jos and Rivers crises.

The state exists fundamentally for the protection of lives and property and ensuring the wellbeing of the citizens. As such, state-based institutions and agencies have responsibilities for the security of the citizens. However, certain institutions and agencies are specifically charged with the responsibility for the security of life and property. They include the police, state security agencies, the military, immigration, and prison services.

For the purpose of this paper, insecurity refers to the breach of peace and security, whether historical, religious, ethno-regional, civil, social, economic and political difference that have contributed to recurring conflicts, which Nigeria has witnessed over the years resulting in wanton destruction and loss of lives and property (Adah,2011).

Relationship between Corruption and Insecurity

Although, both Okiro and Bujra (2004) attribute the proliferation of arms and ammunition as one of the major causes of insecurity in Nigeria, it is noteworthy to state that corruption in Nigeria is both criminal and monopolistic. Literature suggests that corruption reproduces greed and creates incentives for unregulated competition for resources and power. It also undermines the capacity of Nigeria to mitigate normal social conflict and create avenues for redressing injustice as with Boko Haram (Shehu, 2011). Shehu (2011) citing the UNDP 2006 Human Development Report on the Niger delta gives a graphic picture of how corruption in Nigeria intensifies desperate conditions of socio-economic exclusion as the cause of youth restiveness in the region. Corruption in the security sector particularly has diminished the capacity of the Nigerian state to maintain effective law and order across the country in the midst of violent crimes as the Nigeria police were rated the most corrupt public institution in the country (FRN, 2003).

The Manifestation of Insecurity in Nigeria

The under-listed items are the various manifestations of conflict and insecurity in Nigeria:

a. Ethnoreligious Conflict

Communal and societal conflicts according to Ibrahim and Igbuzor (2002) have emerged as a result of political consciousness and identity often structured around ethnoreligious identities. In all parts of Nigeria, ethnoreligious conflicts have assumed alarming rates. It has occurred in places like Shagamu (Ogun State), Lagos, Abia, Kano, Bauchi, Nassarawa, Jos, Taraba, Ebonyi and Enugu state respectively. Groups and communities who had over the years lived together in peace and harmony now take up arms against each other in gruesome war. The claim over scarce resources, power, land, chieftaincy, local government, councils, control of markets, “Osu caste system” and Sharia among other trivial issues have resulted in large scale killings and violence amongst groups in Nigeria. In these conflicts, new logics of social separation and dichotomy have evolved in many communities in Nigeria. There is the classification of the “settler” and “indigene”, “Christian” and “Muslim”, and “Osu” (slave) and “Nwadiala” (free-born). These ethnoreligious identities have become disintegrative and destructive social elements threatening the peace, stability and security in Nigeria.

b. Politically Based Violence

Politics in the current civil dispensation like previous republics have displayed politics of anxiety which has played down on dialogue, negotiation and consensus. The anxiety is a result of a perceived or real loss of power by an elite stratum. Put differently the quest for political power is among those elites that won it before those that lost it and those who want it back.

Politicians are overwhelmed strategizing about the control and retention of power. To this end, inter and intra-political party conflicts have become rife in which politicians are deploying large resources to out-do each other, changing the rules and legislations of the political game, distorting laws and employing violence and political assassination to settle political scores. Party meetings, campaigns and conventions have become war threats were small and light weapons like guns and cutlasses are freely displayed and used to rig elections, harass and intimidate the electorates.

Also, a spate of politically motivated killing is rife. The most shocking of this killing was the murder of Chief Bola Ige, Funsho Williams, Dikibo, Ogbonna Uche, Marshall and others (Onyemaizu, 2006:10). A resort to violence, including armed militancy, assassination, kidnapping, etc.., have suddenly become attractive to certain individuals in seeking to resolve issues that could have ordinarily been settled through due process. The end-products of such misadventures have often been catastrophic. They include the decimation of innocent lives, disruption of economic activities, and destruction of properties.

The predilection of most of the politicians is not for election but selection. This lack of party internal democracy is already being revealed in the party primaries and “selection” of national executive officers of the parties. Even politicians themselves are afraid of what the forthcoming general elections between 2010 and 2011 portend an atmosphere of political insecurity is fast engulfing Nigeria’s nascent fourth republic.

c. Economic Based Violence

In popular parlance, this thesis is also known as the “political economy of violence”. Recent writings in the media across the globe and across the political divide have laid much emphasis on the role of resources in generating conflict which is a major cornerstone of economic-based violence.

Cries of resource control and revenue sharing regularly rent the air between proponents and opponents (Eme, 2009). Although by no means limited to oil in the Niger Delta, the most prevalent campaign about the link between resources and conflict focuses on oil has given rise to vertical and horizontal conflicts between national, state and society or between dominant and subordinate geo-political zones, classes and groups across Nigeria, given the pivotal role that the oil plays in the restructuring of power relations in Nigeria.

It is, however, true that other types of resource-driven conflicts have received less attention in the debate. Assets such as grazing and farming and water resources have tended to give rise to horizontal conflicts that involved communities across the geo-political zones.

The other thesis is that conflict in Nigeria is poverty induced. This explanation is closely related too relative deprivation, rather than absolute poverty. As a result of the above, the inability of the state to provide basic services for the populace generates new conflict or renews old ones manifested through politicized agents who have used the conditions of the poor to address the responses or non-responses of the state to the legitimate yearnings of the people (Ololade, 2012).

d. Organized Violent Groups.

Organized violent groups take varying dimension and forms. These include; ethnic militia, vigilantes, secret cults in tertiary institutions and political thugs. Various reasons and circumstances account for their emergence. The causes of the manifestation include the culture of militarism that has its antecedents in military rule, the failure of the state and its institutions, economic disempowerment, the structure of the state and Nigeria’s federalism, non-separation of state and religion, politics of exclusion, the culture of patriarchy and gerontocracy, ignorance and poor political consciousness (Ibrahim and Igbuzor, 2002:7).

Theoretical Framework

This study adopts the relative deprivation theory to explain the security challenges and economy of the Nigerian state. This theory was propounded by Dollard, (1939). This theory was propounded as part of efforts to link socio-political and economic inequalities in society to rebellions and insurrections. As an individual and group-based theory of aggression, the relative deprivation theory argues that when expectation outstrips achievement regardless of the absolute levels of economic consumption or the provision of political rights, frustration is generated. Thus, the collective frustration turns to anger and violence (Dollard, 1939:52, Davies, 1962:44, Feierabend and Feierabend, 1966:89). By application, this theory assists us to trace the historical antecedence of conflicts, agitations and frequent rise of individuals and groups against the Nigerian government. From the standpoint of the assumptions of relative deprivation theory, we argue that the abysmal failure of the Nigerian government to addressing critical challenges to development in many parts of the country may be responsible for the internal insurrection by armed militia groups against the state. Further, we equally argue that security challenges or threats in some parts of Nigeria particularly the northern region are clear indications that the government seems to have failed in its constitutional role of protecting the lives and properties of the Nigerian people. This is clearly because available evidence demonstrates that there is an increasing rate of poverty among Nigerians. Also, unemployment looms large, per capita income is low and a high rate of inflation has not been addressed. Similarly, Nigerians are still facing challenges of poor health status, poor state infrastructures, high rate of illiteracy, low technological development, among others (Anosike, 2010:8). These ugly situations which adversely affect the security of lives and property of Nigerians as well as the socio-economic development of the country are carefully articulated by Akinrefon and Oke (2007:20) who argue that the mention of crime, violence, as well as restiveness, has been tied to the Niger Delta area, no thanks to kidnapping, bombings and vandalization of pipelines leadership problem has made it impossible for Nigeria to get to its peak in terms of socio-economic and political development…this problem has remained in the front burner of national discourse the polity has not gotten it right because of bad leadership the polity has remained stagnated in terms of developmental challenges and this has been attributed to selfishness, greed and corrupt political office holders who have milked or are presently milking or will milk the country dry of its resources. The implication of relative deprivation theory on security challenges and the economy of the Nigerian state is that democracy is most likely to be undermined, thereby paving way for a military incursion in the country. An example is Afghanistan; the GDP per capita is roughly $416, whereas, in the United State, the GDP per capita reaches over $47,000 (IMF, 2009). This disparity between Nations is also manifested in the fact that over 50% of the Afghan population falls below its poverty line, while only 12% fall below the United State poverty line. Also, the continuous internal insurrection by armed youths across the country could distort any meaningful efforts by the government to achieve radical economic development in Nigeria. This is imperative because, as Isine (2008:9) explains:…security is viewed as a dynamic phenomenon as well as a social problem in the country…it is the duty of the government to ensure the security of lives and property of its citizens …youth restiveness, agitations, protests, and demonstrations these days are very violent and leads to sabotage of vital government installations like NNPC pipelines, NITEL cables and PHCN wires, thus, posing great threats to the economic life-wire of the state. Therefore, the improvement of the security apparatus of the Nigerian state as well as the commitment of the government to address the core causes of insecurity, are likely panacea to the survival of democracy and achievement of desired economic growth. As Ebegbulam (2007:8) aptly observes, “democracy only thrives where there are security and stability”.

Challenges of Insecurity to External Relations: Case Studies

Security is considered as any mechanism deliberately fashioned to alleviate the most serious and immediate threats that prevent people from pursuing their cherished values. In Nigeria, the achievement of the desired level of internal security particularly from 2011-2014 was elusive. The above period witnessed the proliferation of different militia groups that posed serious security threats to the Nigerian government. Thus, such unwholesome behaviours which only affected economic activities in many parts of Nigeria have also resulted in the loss of numerous lives and property of the Nigerian citizens. This pathetic situation is critically examined under three case studies:

1. The Niger Delta Crisis

Conflict in the Niger Delta arose in the early 1990s due to tensions between the foreign oil corporations and some Niger Delta’s minority ethnic groups who felt they were being exploited, particularly the Ogonis and the Ijaws (Osungade, 2008). Thus, ethnic and political unrest continued in the region throughout the 1990s and persisted despite the enthronement of democracy in 1999. However, competition for oil wealth in the region gave rise to agitations, violence and subsequent extra-judicial killings of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the nine Ogoni leaders by Abacha’s regime (Ogbodo, 2010:1). This action by Abacha’s administration was condemned not only by many Nigerians but also the international community. Consequently, the international community expressed her anger by imposing several sanctions on Nigeria during this period. Thus, the inability of the government particularly during the military era to address the root causes of the agitation (environmental problems, poverty, unemployment, lack of basic amenities, etc.), in the Niger Delta region, resulted in the proliferation of ethnic groups causing the militarization of nearly the entire region by ethnic militia groups. The agitation group includes the movement for the survival of the Ogoni people (MASOP), founded by Ken Saro-Wiwa. As part of measures t address the root causes of agitation, violence and conflicts in the Niger Delta region, the government established some institutions or agencies to douse the tension in the area. This includes the Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC), Niger Delta development commission (NDDC) and ministry of Niger Delta (MND). In spite of these interventions, the conflicts and insecurity in the Niger Delta region persisted. Rather, the region witnessed severe security threats and the emergence of other agitating groups affiliated with the movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). The emergence of MEND and other agitating groups in the struggle to addressing the injustice by the federal government against the region exacerbated the security problems not only in the region but also in the entire Nigerian state. These include the Niger delta peoples volunteer force (NDPVF) led by Mujahid Dokubo-Asari and Niger delta vigilante (NDV) led by Ateke Tom (Amaizu, 2008). The leaders of these agitating groups are from the Ijaw nation (Centre for promoting ideas, USA, www.aijcrnet.com). However, the two groups (NDPVF and NDV), dwarf a plethora of smaller militias supposedly numbering more than one hundred in the Niger Delta region. These groups comprised mostly disaffected young men from Warri, Portharcourt, Yenegoa and their suburban areas (Aderoju, 2008:120). Against this backdrop, daily civilian life was disrupted, forcing schools and economic activities to shut down (Aderoju, 2008:542). Similarly, the properties of indigenes of the area worth millions of naira were destroyed. To arrest the challenges of insecurity in the Niger delta, the federal government of Nigeria applied minimal force in a bid to ensure that these militias drop their arms and end their hostilities against the government and the people of the area. In August 2008, the federal government launched a massive military crackdown on militants (Amaizu, 2008:11). Thus, the military patrolled waters, hunted for militants, searched all civilian boats for weapons, and raided numerous hideouts. Also, on May 15, 2009, a military operation undertaken by the Joint Task Force (JTF) was put in place by the federal government against MEND and their affiliates in the Niger Delta region (Onoyume, 2008:5). These actions by the federal government were in response to the activities of the militia groups which adversely affected both the residents of the area and the Nigerian economy (Onuorah, 2009:2). Paradoxically, rather than the measures put in place by the federal government to address the challenges of insecurity in the Niger Delta, the situation led to incessant kidnapping of not only the foreign oil workers but also the indigenes and residents of the region. Hence, in June 2009, the Nigerian government under the leadership of Late President Yar’Adua announced the granting of Amnesty and unconditional pardon to militants in the Niger Delta region (Rotimi, 2009). The militants were given between August 6 and October 4, 2009, to surrender their weapons to the federal government in return for training and rehabilitation. During the 60 days period, the militants led their groups to surrender their weapons which included rocket-propelled grenades, guns, explosives, ammunition, gunboats, among others. Although the federal government amnesty program reduced the rate of militancy in the region, the incessant kidnapping activities in the Niger Delta region ultimately had a spill-over effect in some state in the South-East geo-political zone of Nigeria.

2. Kidnapping in the South-East Zone of Nigeria

Kidnapping as a social problem is the act of illegally taking somebody away and keeping him as a prisoner or hostage in order to get money or something in return for releasing him. The history of kidnapping in the south-east zone of Nigeria could be traced to hostilities, conflicts and violence in the Niger Delta region. In the South-East zone, especially in Abia and Imo states, kidnapping activities were mainly targeted at prominent indigenes and residents of these states. This situation was pervasive shortly after the 2007 general elections in Nigeria. This is partly because, the youths that were used as political thugs by politicians during the election in these states subsequently engaged in kidnapping as means of livelihood after the elections. Indeed, confession by those apprehended indicated that some politicians in these states supplied guns to youths for the purpose of rigging the 2007 general elections. Unfortunately, these guns were not retrieved at the end of the elections. Consequently, kidnapping later turned to profitable business mostly among the youths in Abia, Imo, Ebonyi, and other states in the zone. Thus, the increasing rate of kidnapping activities in Abia state, particularly in Aba metropolis, resulted in several failed attempts to kidnap the Abia state Governor, Chief Theodore Orji in 2008 (Nwogu, 2008). Thus, from 2007-2010, several prominent men n Aba and its environs were kidnapped for ransom. The adversely affected the economy of Abia State as many businessmen and manufacturing companies relocated to other states like Enugu and Anambra. Also, this pathetic situation got to a crescendo, when school children were kidnapped in Aba in 2010. However, the kidnapping of school children in Aba, as well as common men in the metropolis forced all the commercial banks in the area to close down for several days in 2010. It is pertinent to note that prior to this period, many commercial banks were robbed in Aba which is the commercial nerve of Abia State. In rural areas, the kidnapping of traditional rulers and poor people were also rampant. Worse still, people were kidnapped while attending church services and village meetings (Ajani, 2010). To address the spate of kidnapping in the south-east zone particularly in Abia state, the federal government deployed soldiers to Aba metropolis and its environs. This bold step taken by the government is put in clear perspective by Okoli (2009) who states that: Governor Theodore Orji of Abia state formally invited the Army to the state to assist in the fight against crime and criminals, especially kidnappers. Their Governor said the menace of kidnapping seemed to have overwhelmed the police… the action of the government in response to the kidnapping, no doubt, minimizes the reported cases of the menace, especially in Aba and its environs. This was partly as a result of intensive attacks launched by the army at the hideout of kidnappers in the Ukwa West Local Government Area of Abia State (Sampson, 2010).

3. Jos Crisis

The Jos crisis is another internal security threat to Nigeria which some observers have described as sectarian violence. This pathetic situation which took a radical dimension from 1999 has been a complex on. According to Oladoyinbo (2010), the crisis in Jos, Plateau State is a very complex one…it is tribal, religious and social…we discovered that politics is the major cause of some of these crises that erupted in that part of the county…there is no need for some people to use all means to dominate others or use people to subjugate others…the government in Nigeria has no courage…the government is not the solution but rather the problem…the government knows those behind all these riots, those importing arms into this country… Thus, the Jos crisis has claimed numerous lives of Nigerians and property worth millions of naira. However, the Jos crisis has resulted in several attacks on Christians by Muslims. Indeed, from 2007-2010, over 10,000 Christians were slaughtered during the Jos crisis. In the 2010 crises, for instance, about 500 Christians lost their lives (Oladoyinbo, 2010:15).

Precisely, the Jos crisis has resulted in an unimaginable confrontation, killings, bombings and other forms of violence. Many observers have argued that the root causes of the crisis were the inordinate desire by Muslims to forcefully convert Christians in the area as Muslim faithful. Others assert that the root causes of the Jos crisis are culture and land disputes. Thus, whatever the argument over the remote causes of the frequent crisis in Jos may be, the fact remains that it is one of the greatest internal security threats to the corporate existence of Nigeria. The Jos crisis which has been sporadic in places like Dogo-Nahawa, Zot and Rassat, has continued to witness the onslaught and massacre of a large number of Nigerians. This ugly trend largely explains why terror masters, (Late President Gaddafi of Libya), once suggested that Nigeria should be divided into two religious’ lines (Muslim and Christian countries). According to the Sunday Tribune Editorial, the Islamic assailants have continued to unleash terror and cause tension in Jos. They have succeeded in displacing Nigerians by setting their houses and property ablaze. According to the report...In Jos, conflict seems to recur in every narrowing cycle…deadly riots rocked the city in 1994, 2001, and 2008 and in January 2010. The current conflict is said to have started in reappraisal for the destruction that occurred in January 2010…there have been reports of children and the elderly been particularly targeted by roving gangs armed with guns and machetes… (Sunday Tribune, November 15, 2008:15). Thus, the crisis in Jos has adversely affected the economy and unity of Nigeria. Also, available evidence has shown that the crisis in Jos which has been fought on sectarian lines may be traced to a ‘sour relationship’ between the Christian and Muslim communities in the area.

Jos lies on the border between the Christian and Muslim majority north and Christian majority south. Access to land resources is often determined by whether one is a ‘native’ or ‘indigene’. Jos is historically a Christian city…settlers are most often Muslims from the North (Human Right Report, July 10, 2010).

REFERENCES

Abubakar, A. (2004), “The Challenges of Security in Nigeria”, A page presented at the NIPSS, Karu on November 26.

Abubakar, A. (February 21, 2005). The Challenges of Security in Nigeria.

Adah, R. (2011). Insecurity in Nigeria: What Hope for the Common Man? Leadership, Tuesday, October, p.31.

Adebayo, I. (December 20, 2010). Nigeria’s growing kidnapping industry. Daily Independence Newspaper, p.4.

Aderoju, O. (2008). “Oil and the probability of rebel participation among youths in Niger Delta of Nigeria”. Journal of Peace Research, 45(4), 539-555. American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol.2, No.6; June 2012.

Anosike, P. (October 6, 2010). Ohanaeze tasks FG on security. Daily Sun Newspaper, p.8.

Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review (OMAN Chapter) Vol.1, No.9; April 2012

Dollard, et al (1939). Frustration and Aggression. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Doyle, M. W. (1998). Ways of Wars and Peace. New York: Norton.

Ezea, S. (2010), “Security Challenges: From Ringim to Abubakar, will history repeat itself? The Guardian Saturday, January 28, p.49

Ezeoha, S.L. (2011), “Causes and Effects of Insecurity in Nigeria”, The National Scholar, Vol8; No.2 (November) Newswatch Magazine, pp 28-29.

Feierabend, I. & Feierabend, R. (1966). “Aggressive Behaviors within Polities: A cross-national study” (1948-1962). Journal of Conflict Resolution. Vol. 10. Pp 249-272. Human Right Watch Report (July 10, 2010).

Ibrahim, J. and Igbuzor, O. (2002). Islamic assailants kill hundreds of Christians near Jos, Nigeria. “Memorandum submitted to the Presidential Committee on National Security in Nigeria”.

Isine, I. (August 3, 2007). Militancy: Bayelsa State asked FG to beef up security in Niger Delta. Vanguard Newspaper, p.8.

Jegedi, S.B. (2011), “Back to State of Nature? The National Scholar, Vol.8; No.2. p.30.

Lake, D. (2001). “Beyond Anarchy: The importance of security institutions”. International Security, 26(1), p.129-160.

Oladoyinbo, Y. (January 23, 2007). Jos’s crisis is over culture and land dispute. Sunday Tribune Newspaper, p.6.

Ololade, O. (2012), “The ugly manifestation of tribal politics in Nigeria”, The Nation Newspaper. P.9.

Olugbode, M. (October 13, 2010). FG deploys troops as Boko Haram bomb police station. This Day Newspaper, p.1.

Onoyume, J. (September 22, 2008). JTF accuses MEND of a plot to use hostages as a shield. Vanguard Newspaper, p.1.

Onuorah, M. (July 2, 2009). Federal Government moves to hasten action on Niger Delta: JTF is facilitating the return of displaced persons, says Abbey. The Guardian Newspaper, p.2.

Oshodi, J. (2012), “Orientation on Terrorism: The Psychological Approach”. The National Scholar. Vol.8. pp.56-72.

Osungade, E. (2008). Nigerian history of the Niger Delta crisis. Retrieved from forgottendiaries.org., June 20, 2011.

Oyebode, A. (2011). “The Imperative of Security”. The National Scholar, Vol.8; No.2, pp.27-29.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Introduction

Kothari (1990) observed that the purpose of the research is to discover answers to questions through the application of scientific procedures. The main aim of the research is to find out the truth which is hidden and has not been discovered yet. However, it can be argued that no truthful research information can be arrived at unless the appropriate research methods and procedures are carefully selected for the study and correctly applied. In view of this Izah (1984) maintains that the nature of the problem determines the method for the collection of the information needed to analyze it.

Research methodology can be seen as strategies developed or adopted for accomplishing the problems, aims and objectives and the test of the hypothesis of the research study. When a problem is identified, it becomes an objective to the entity concerned to investigate the various causes of the problem with a view to finding solutions. This procedures or process of investigation is referred to as methodology. In this chapter, population methods and procedures for the collection of data will be analyzed.

This study is set out to carry out an empirical study on insecurity in Nigeria and external relations and by so doing, attention is paid to the insurgents of Boko Haram in Nigeria. Therefore, the study focused on the most affected area in Nigeria, specifically, Borno State.

Research Design

Research design is the deliberate strategic approach used in conducting a scientific enquiry. It answers the questions about scientific inquiry in terms of what, where, when, how and by what means? A research design is an operational paradigm and conceptual frame of the scientific enquiry. It gives shape, form and identity to the research activity. Research design serves as the anchor of the scientific study. It provides smooth sailing and enables the evaluation of the scientific exercise. It is the research plan or blueprint of action.

The principles of research design involve a set of rules and norms that guide the choice and development of a research design. The choice of research design involves decisions relating to: what entities (individuals, groups, communities, organizations, and nations) should be studied? What aspects of the characteristics of these entities are of interest? Where will the study be located? Why is the study being undertaken? What periods of time will the study cover? Where can data be found? What type of data is needed? And what kinds of relationships will be studied?

The components of research design are given as follows: (Kothari, 1990)

· The sampling approach, the process of selecting units from the population.

· The observational approach involving the techniques of data collection.

· The statistical design, the tools of analysis.

· The operational design including the procedures and techniques to carry out the sampling and observational plans.

Typology of Research Design

There are different typologies of research in line with the various schemes reflecting various perspectives of classification.

While there is no exclusive universal hierarchical classification of research in the social sciences, there exist functional typologies by which social sciences disciplines (e.g., political science, sociology, economics, etc.) derive their tailored classifications.

The basic classification of research is based on the purpose of the research. Basically, research is classified based on overall strategy and purpose. In this context, the types of research can be grouped into non-mutually exclusive categories, given below.

1. Desk research.

2. Field research.

3. Laboratory research.

4. Pure research.

5. Applied research.

6. Exploratory research.

7. Descriptive research.

8. Explanatory research.

9. Qualitative research

10. Quantitative research.

However, in this research project, we adopted a descriptive research design.

Study Area

The selected area for this study is the North-Eastern part of Nigeria that is mostly affected by the Boko Haram insurgency. Such area includes; Borno, Adamawa, Yobe, Bauchi and Gombe. However, emphasis shall be placed more on areas like Chibok, Sambisa and Mubi Michika.

Boko Haram is a very controversial Nigerian Islamic terrorist group that seeks the imposition of Sharia law in the entire Northern states of Nigeria. For instance, in Borno state where they have carried out most of their dreaded activities.

Borno State: Borno State is the largest of all the 36 states of Nigeria covering an area of 116,589 square kilometres and occupying the greater part of the Lake Chad Basin in the extreme North-Eastern part of the country. The state is highly pluralistic in its ethnic composition with Kanuri being the dominant ethnic group and a rich and diverse cultural heritage. It has a population of 4.3 million, 80% of which are Muslims (census 2006).

Historically, Kanem Borno was one of the great kingdoms of central Sudan, otherwise known as Bilad al Sudan (the land of blacks) described by historians as they are stretching from Darfur in Sudan to the Lake Chad Region in the east, and the great bend of River Niger and the Western Coast of the Atlantic Ocean on the West. The region as rightly observed by Alkali (1989) is a dividing landmark between the Nile valley and the Maghreb Al-Aqsa, extending from Egypt in the east to the kingdom of Morocco in the west. Kanem Borno lies along the famous, stable and ancient caravan routes which extended from West Africa and other parts of the continent to Mecca. Numerous scholars (Doi 1984, Clerk 1982, Martin 1969, Smith 1971 and Boahen 1964) have variously stressed the importance of the strategic location of Kanem Borno in the centre of the Trans-Saharan trade routes. This enhanced early contact with the Muslim world of Tunisia, in the far Northwest of Africa and Nubia on the middle Nile and Egypt in the northeast of the continent.

The period between the 16th and 17th centuries was the glorious period of Kanem Borno when its identity as an Islamic state manifested in various regions in western Sudan, the Maghreb and the Nile valley. According to Mustafa (1992), it was regarded as one of the four superpowers of the then Islamic world; the other being Egypt, Turkey and Baghdad. To this day, Borno “remained the one area in the whole of Nigeria which can be accurately described as a Muslim state with an Islamic dynasty and tradition” (Abdurrahman and Canham 1978). As a centre of Islamic scholarship, it attracts many scholars with diverse backgrounds and interest together from all over West Africa to study, and this led to the emergence of a class of intelligentsias called the Malamwa (Ulama).

Chibok: Chibok is a local government area of Borno State, Nigeria, located in the south of the state. Its headquarters are in the town of Chibok. It has an area of 1,350km2and a population of 66,105 (2006 census). The ton of Chibok is primarily a Christian village with a Muslim minority. Most of the village speaks the Kibaku language the postal code of the area is 601. On 14th November 2014, it was reported that the Islamic group Boko Haram has taken control of the town and implemented Sharia law. It one of the 16 Local Government Area that constitutes the Borno Emirate. On the night of April 14/15, nearly 300 female students were abducted from the Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok (Vanguard, 2014).

Sambisa: Sambisa and Sambisa forest reserve relocated in Nigeria. It was a game reserve in colonial times. It covers an area of approximately 60,000 square kilometres in Nigeria’s Northeast, in the states of Borno, Yobe, Gombe and Bauchi along the Darazo corridor, Jigawa up to some parts of Kano State in the far North (Wikipedia).

In 1991 the then Borno State Government incorporated it into Chad Basin National Park with a total area of about 2,258 square kilometres. This Chad Basin National Park also included the Hadejia-Nguru wetlands in modern-day Yobe State (www.birdlife.org).

At the time the Sambisa Game Reserve had leopards, lions, elephants, hyenas and huts built for tourists to stay in. however, the federal/state government allowed the place to fall into a state of despair as the animals died, the roofs leaked, weeds covered the roads, the water stopped flowing, there was no power and the whole reserve became another derelict white elephant. It is widely suspected that the Sambisa forest has since become a haven for the alleged terrorist group Boko Haram. Information from the area suggests that Boko Haram fighters have been sighted in the game reserve relaxing and training. Their women carryout the usual chores like cooking, laundry, etc... The area and the place is like any other Nigerian community (the Guardian, 2014). As of 2014, it is considered a refuge of the Boko Haram terrorist group. It has been speculated that the victims of the Chibok schoolgirls kidnapping were taken into the Sambisa forest by Boko Haram members (Okonkwo, 2014).

Mubi Michika: Michika (Mwe-cika) is a local government area of Adamawa State, Nigeria. The local government was created in 1976. It is located on the northern axis of the state and is bordered on the east by the Republic of Cameroon. Michika is made of 8 districts. Michika is the corrupted word for Mwe-ci-ka which is the Kamwe language for “creeping in silently”. Oral history has it that Michika was founded around the late 17th century by Kwada Kwakaa who was a hunter hunting on the Michika hills. “Mwe” in the Kamwe language means heaven or hills, while “Cika” means to creep. Kwada Kwakaa was a heroic Kamwe prince from Kuli in Nkafamiya legend in Kamwe land. Legends believed that Kwada Kwakaa could hunt lions and leopards by himself. Michika local government is the most populated in Adamawa state. The Kamwe people are generally very enterprising as there are found in big cities and towns in Nigeria engaging I all forms of lawful trades. The Kamwe people are peaceful and hospitable people (Michika-Wikipedia).

Michika is a cosmopolitan town. It has branches of many banks, a college of health technology, a technical college and many secondary schools. The oldest and most popular secondary school in Michika is the Government Senior Secondary School (GSSS) Michika. The inhabitants of Michika Local Government are mainly Christian with a percentage estimated at 97%, while the remaining 3% are traditional religious worshippers and Muslims. There are about 26 chiefdoms and 84 villages around the mountainous ranges in Michika town. The town is traversed by a stream called wathara. There are many cultural festivals performed by the Kamwe people in Michika. Foremost among them are the Yawla, Waisinata and Ngarpa and Zhitta dance among other festivals (Kwacha, 2014).

The population estimates vary from around 375,000 and 700,000 depending on the census used and its methodology. The town was seized by Boko Haram terrorist in September 2014 (BBC News, 2014).

Population Sample and Selection Procedures

The focus of this study would be youths and adult of about 18 and above from the various affected regions in the northern part. And to carry out this research, electronic media and the internet will be used to gather relevant data and information that could aid this study.

Methods of Data Collection

Data for this study was collected through qualitative instrument/techniques. The secondary sourced data used in this study was collected from sources that include textbooks, encyclopedias, journals, newspapers, magazines, articles, television and the internet.

Ojo (2003:105) viewed secondary data as any data which have been gathered earlier for some other purpose. To him, it includes government publications, non-government publications, syndicated services as well as publications by international organizations. According to Mason (2007:62) “secondary data are those already in existence of some other purposes than the answering of the questions in hand”. He went further to conclude by saying that this type of data is generally taken from magazines, newspapers, bulletins and journals etc.

In this view, Obasi (1999:61) viewed secondary data as such information recorded by other persons or events observed by such persons, data from textbooks, newspapers/magazines, periodical articles, records written by others etc.

Sources of Data

According to Osuala (1991), data simply refers to facts. In most cases, there are raw facts that are used to build up more comprehensive and useful information. There are two sources of data namely: primary sources and secondary sources of data.

Primary sources are direct sources of data which gives the researcher firsthand information on the subject from where he or she makes accurate reference. Primary source data may be obtained through actual observation, eye witness account, direct participation in the events or interaction with the original source and in their original forms.

Secondary sources on the other hand are already used and processed forms of data which gives the researcher a good insight into the topic or subject under study since it affords the researcher the liberty of better understanding. This is because it would have available already tested knowledge on the subject matter as well as on trends in its evolution as the case may be. In this research project, a secondary source of data was used. These data were obtained from textbooks, magazines, journals, and related articles and the internet.

Method of Data Management

The transcription of the qualitative data was carried out descriptively, using secondary sourced materials. Summary of the important quotation was reported to highlight individuals and collective views. Also, information’s sourced from newspapers, journals, magazines; articles were well quoted and referenced appropriately in the analysis of the research study.

REFERENCES

Clerk, P. (1982). West Africa and Islam. London; Edward Arnold Publishers

Doi, A. I. (1984). Islam in Nigeria. Zaria; Gaskiya Corporation.

Erdel, T. (1978). The Reading habits of Evangelical Mennonite Ministers. Masters Theses, University of Chicago, Illinois.

Encyclopedia Britannica (2008). Encyclopedia Britannica Online.

Hassan, G. (2007). Information needs and gathering of medical practitioners in some selected teaching hospitals in Northern Nigeria. MLS Theses, Bayero University Kano (unpublished)

Joselyn, R.W (1997). Designing Marketing Research. New York, Retro Collis/Charter.

Kamba, M.A. (2010). An investigation of the information-seeking behaviour of school teachers in rural areas of selected states in Nigeria. PhD Theses, International Islamic University, Malaysia (unpublished).

Kothari, C.R. (1990). “Research Methodology: Methods and Techniques”, New Delhi, Wiley Eastern Limited.

Martin, B.G. (1969). Kanem Borno and Fezzan: notes on the political history of trade. Journal of African History, 10(1)

Mason, J. (2007). “Re-using qualitative data on the merit of an investigative epistemology”. Retrieved from Sociological centre, Enugu. Academic Publishers Company.

Nigeria, Federal Republic. (2007). National Census 2006. Abuja; National Population Commission.

Obasi, I.I.N (1999). Research Methodology in Political Science. Enugu; Academic Publishers Company.

Ojo, O. (2003). Fundamental of Research Methods. Lagos; Standard Publications.

Osuala, E.C (2001). Introduction to Research Methods (3rd edition). Onitsha; African Publishers

Welman (2005). Modern Political Theory. India: Vikas Publishing House.

CHAPTER FOUR

INTRODUCTION

The operation of Boko Haram has moved from the sphere of domestic or internal politics to the international domain. Albert Tanimu Sam Tsokwa, the chairman of the House of Representative on Rules and Business realized the interconnections between Boko Haram which started in Nigeria as a domestic issue and the external dimension of this same phenomenon especially when he was asked whether the National Assembly could intervene and come up with a lasting solution on Boko Haram menace Tsokwa (2012). He was quick to point out that: The Boko Haram issue is beyond mere legislation by parliament. The issue has outgrown council boundaries and has now become an international problem. The security agencies claim that they have evidence that these people are linked with Al-Qaeda, and if they have evidence that these people are truly linked to Al-Qaeda, it is not something we can resolve through legislation in National Assembly. They will be dealt with in the same manner Al-Qaeda is being tackled. Such issues (like the case of Boko Haram) may provoke favourable or negative reactions from other Nations that are touched by policies emanating from there and this can invariably lead to the enhancement or deterioration of bilateral or multilateral relations Tsokwa (2012).

The Activities of Boko Haram Insurgence in Nigeria.

Many years back, no one would have thought that terrorism would be so firmly rooted in Nigeria. The dastardly terrorist activities of Boko Haram have manifested profoundly in the various bomb/gun attacks on police stations, army barracks, prisons, churches as well as some other public institutions, and prominent personalities. Boko Haram activities became rampant in 2009. There are some other incidents that are either under-reported or not verifiable that is not captured. Even at that, the incidents mentioned here paint a gory picture of the effects of Boko Haram’s dastardly activities and the state of security in the land. It can be seen that the group’s terrorist activities have been expanding (in terms of scope and severity) progressively since 2009. July 26, 2009, Boko Haram (BH) launched an attack on a police station in Bauchi triggering a five-day uprising that spread to Maiduguri. September 7, 2010, BH attacked a prison in Bauchi and freed 700 inmates, former sect members inclusive and 5 guards killed. October 11, 2010 bomb/gun attack on a police station in Maiduguri by the group and 3 persons were injured. December 28, 2010, BH claims responsibility for the Christmas Eve bombing in Jos, 38 people died in all. December 31, 2010 attack on the mammy market at army Mogadishu Barracks, Abuja, 11 people died. April 11, 2011, BH attacked a police station in Bauchi. April 9, 2011, BH bombed a polling centre in Maiduguri. April 20, 2011 bombing in Maiduguri, 1 policeman was killed. April 22, 2011, BH attacked a prison in Yola and freed 14 prisoners. April 24, 2011, four bombs detonated in Maiduguri and 3 people were killed. On May 29, 2011 bombing of army barracks in Bauchi and Maiduguri 15 people killed. May 31, 2011 assassination of Abba Anas Ibn Umar Garbai, brother of the Shehu of Borno’s brother in Maiduguri 1 person killed. June 1, 2011 assassination of Abba El-Kanenu-Shehu of Borno’s brother in Maiduguri, 1 person killed. June 7, 2011, Parallel gun and bomb attacks on a church and police stations in Maiduguri 5 people killed. June 16, 2011, BH bombed police Headquarters in Abuja; casualty reports vary.

A car laden with explosives drove into the compound of Louis Edet House, a block of offices previously thought secure in Abuja’s government zone, by following a convoy of senior officers through the gates. It is believed the driver aimed to put the car near the entrance stairway as the senior officers entered, but he was directed around the back of the building by guards, where the bomb detonated in the car park. June 26, 2011 bomb attack on a bar in Maiduguri, 25 people killed. August 16, 2011 bombing of United Nations office complex in Abuja over 34 people killed. December 25, 2011 bombing of St. Theresa Catholic Church, Madalla, over 46 people killed. January 6, 2012, BH attacked some southerners in Mubi 13 people killed. January 29 2012, the bombing of a Police Station at Naibawa Area of Yakatabo, Kano State. February 8, 2012 bomb blast rocked Army Headquarters in Kaduna. February 15, 2012 attack on Koto Karfe Prison, Kogi State in which 119 prisoners were freed, 1 warder, killed. February 19, 2012, bomb blast near Christ Embassy Church in Suleja, Niger State, 5 people injured. February 26, 2012 bombing of Church of Christ in Nigeria, Jos 2 people killed and 38 people were injured. March 8, 2012, an Italian-Franco Lamolinara; and a Briton Christopher McManus expatriate staff of Stabilin Construction Company abducted since mid-2011 were killed by a splinter group of BH.

Media houses attacks: This Day Newspaper, Abuja, 5 people were killed and 13 people injured. The Sun and The Moments Newspaper in Kaduna 3 people killed and many injured. April 29, 2012 attack on Bayero University, Kano 16 people was killed and many injured. April 30, 2012 bomb explosion in Jalingo 11 people killed and several others wounded. On September 19, 2012 Nigerian Military arrested some Boko Haram Militants and the reported death of Abu Qaqa. On October 3, 2012, around 25-46 people were massacred in the town of Mubi, Adamawa State in Nigeria during a nighttime raid. On March 18, 2013, at least 22 people were killed and 65 injured when a suicide car bomb exploded in Kano bus station. On April 19, 2013, there was a gun battle with the security forces which leaves 260 dead and nearly 1000 were injured. On May 7, 2013, at least 55 killed and 105 inmates freed in coordinated attacks on Army Barracks, a prison and a Police post in Bama Town. On July 6, 2013, 42 people mostly students were killed at Federal Polytechnic Mubi. On August 11, 2013, 44 people were killed in a Mosque in Konduga. On September 29, 2013, 40 male students were killed in the College of Agriculture in Gujba. On October 20, 2013, 4 motorists killed in North-Eastern Nigeria. In December 2013, hundreds of fighters attacked a military base in Maiduguri. On January 14, 2014, at least 31 people were killed and over 50 people injured by a suicide bombing in Maiduguri, Bornu State. On January 26, 2014, at least 45 people were killed in the village of Kawuri. On February 11, 2014, 29 teenage boys were killed at the Federal Government College attack in Buni Yadi, Yobe State. On March 14, 2014, there was an attack on the Military Barracks in Maiduguri, nearly 600 detainees were freed. The latter was executed when Government forces retook control. On April 14, 2014, Government properties including the Federal Government Girls Secondary School Chibok were attacked. At least 16 killed or missing and 234 female students were kidnapped in Bornu State. The Boko Haram Militants said it would treat them as slaves and as part of the “war booty”. On April 14, 2014, two bombs exploded at a crowded bus station in Nyanya, Abuja, killing at least 90 people and injured at least 60 and a week later, just a few meters away from the bus station, another bomb exploded and many feared dead. On May 13, 2014, Boko Haram attacked three villages (Menari, Tsangayari and Garawa), killing around 60 people in Menari. Vigilantes fought back, killing over 200 Boko Haram Militants. On May 20, 2014, two bomb blasts exploded in Jos and killed 118 people.

On May 30, 2014, Muslim leader Alhaji Idrissa Timta the Emir of Gwozain Bornu was assassinated. On August 11, 2014, 28 civilians were killed, 97 kidnapped, all men and boys in an attack on villages in Bornu State. On November 29, 2014, more than 102 people were killed in Kano. A local Mosque was bombed by Boko Haram. Also, on December 2, 2014, more than 200 people were reported to have lost their lives when the central Mosque was attacked by Boko Haram in Kano State. (source: Punch, 17, June 2011; Punch, 23 February, 2012; Punch, 27 February, 2012; Guardian, 20 February, 2012; Guardian, March, 2012; Nigerian Tribune 30, January 2012; Punch, 27 April, 2012; Punch, 30 April 2012; Guardian, 1 May, 2012; May 29, 2013, The Nation; 19 August, 2013, News Africa (BBC); 20 August, 2013, Aljazeera; 6 May, 2014, Reuters; 5 May, 2014, Washington Post; May 12, 2014, Reuters; December, 2, 2014, ABC News).

Even, in spite of the clampdown on the group by security agencies and some efforts at dialogue between representatives of the group and the federal government, the situation has not changed appreciably. In fact, it seems to be getting worse. The surreptitious nature of terrorism makes it very difficult to control. When desperate forces, like Boko Haram, are determined to unleash terror on an unsuspecting people, there is little that anybody or group can do in the short run to counter such moves since in most cases the deed would have been done before comprehension sets in. the situation is further compounded by the fact that some of the perpetrators of the evil act are often prepared to lay down their lives in the process ( the suicide bombers for example) believing that the end justifies the means as the would-be adequately be rewarded in Heaven. To such persons, acts of terrorism are to be seen as Jihadists. This partially explains why many terrorists always invoke Islamic injunctions to justify their actions.

Implications of Boko Haram Insurgency on External Relations

The foregoing appearance of Boko Haram terrorism and many other incidents in Nigeria are signs to show that violent acts of terrorism are becoming frequent in Nigeria and they constitute a threat to National Stability and security. These violent criminal acts have all the elements of a crime (terror), except that their perpetrators do not accept their fault even in the face of evidence. An example is Ustaz Mohammed Yusuf denying involvement in some of the attacks carried out in Nigeria (Wikipedia, Boko Haram). In Nigeria today especially in the North-East geo-political zone where the presence of Boko Haram is growing exponentially nobody is safe. This is because the terrorist strikes anytime, targeting children, women, leaders, investors, travellers and installations.

One of the implications of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria as a Nation is on the aspect of socio-economic activities of the country, especially in the North-East part of Nigeria. The activities of this insurgency have strained relations between Nigeria and other countries of the world especially the United State. For example, after the attempt suicide bombing of American airline by Umar Abdulmutallab Farouk on the 25th December 2010 and the suicide bombing of the United Nation building in Abuja by Mohammed Abdul Barra on the 26th of August, 2011. Most Nigerian citizens abroad were treated like criminals in terms of how the individuals and their luggage’s are being searched at the airport, infringing on individual privacy rights, and Nigerian citizens were being denied US visa to travel abroad etc. (Wikipedia). A very vita effort of the Boko Haram terrorist scourge on Nigeria is in the economic sphere. Indeed, as it becomes clear that nobody is safe as the terrorists can strike anywhere because activities have been on the decline and expansion plans are put on hold. For example, foreign investors, who use to flow at least 200 billion dollars a year into the Nigeria economy (Wikipedia) no longer view the Nigerian economy as the safe Heaven for the underdeveloped countries of the world, foreign investment means a lot. In fact, with the proliferation of terrorism by Boko Haram on Nigeria soil, investors have to think twice before moving out into other countries and regions to invest. It has also caused the Military forces to take over the internal security of some states where the activities of Boko Haram terrorists were on the high side, for example, declaration of State of emergency in Yobe, Plateau and Bornu State. This on its own is another ignition point for another violent attack, either sporadic shooting with some identified Boko Haram members, thereby causing collateral damage at the expense of the security of the citizens. It also put Military professionalism in doubt with regard to the role of the Military in a Nation. In essence, the Military force may not be at alert to notice external threats, losing the Military combatant capability of battlefield tactics, abuse of power by initiating Military brutality in the civil society, engaging in an unprofessional activity either enticed by the social activities etc.

The Boko Haram terrorist scourge in contemporary National relations creates a public atmosphere of anxiety and it has undermined confidence in Government. The terrorist unpredictability and apparent randomness make it virtually impossible for the Government to protect all potential victims. The public demands protection from the State and thus, it leads the State to make concessions to stop the attacks or protect the lives of its citizens. Automatically, it has implications for citizen’s loyalty to their government and when citizen’s loyalty to their government is in doubt, and then National stability is threatened.

Furthermore, the greatest threat the Boko Haram, the greatest threat the Boko Haram terrorism possess in Nigeria is that it prevents national discussion or negotiation and force decision under pressure e.g., declaration of State of emergency in Bornu State by the presidency (National Mirror, 18 September 2011). It sways public affairs, thus National and international agreements are altered, laws are made or changed and the regulations on people, institutions and services are involved virtually at the command of small numbers of individuals holding guns or bombs. The fear of Boko Haram is, to state the fact, the beginning of wisdom in some states of the Northern part of Nigeria (Bwala, 30th January, 2011:1).

In spite of the threat Boko Haram terrorism possess to Nigerian peace, security and stability, this sect had certain positive results in contemporary National relations. It is demonstrated in the area of improvement on the National security opinion in Nigeria especially on National critical infrastructure. An example is the installation of close circuit television (CCTV) to cover the Federal Capital city with the control room expected to be located at the Force Headquarters for central coordination (Vanguard, 3rd September 2011, p.5), training and retraining of security operatives and handling of modern equipment’s, having identified database of Nigerians, reactivation of the Police Forensics Department and bring it up to date etc. which are a headway to ensuring national security of the country. According to the former National Security Adviser, General Owoye Andrew Azazi, told Reuter's officers that secret services were looking at broadening efforts beyond pure security measure including addressing Northern economic grievances, marking the great coalition or cooperation of one Nigeria (Vanguard, 3rd December 2011. P.5). on 28th September 2002, the Security Council of the United Nations adopted resolution 1373, which requires all States to prevent and suppress the financing of terrorist acts, including freezing funds and other financial assets. The resolution also obliges all states to improve border security, clamp down on the recruitment of terrorist intensity information sharing and law enforcement cooperation in both National and international campaign against terrorism and deny their supporter any support or safe haven. Again, the existing 12 United Nations convention against terrorist represents solid national and international foundations for Nations to support this global struggle (United Nations Resolution, 2002).

Discussion of Findings

Poverty is the deprivation of basic needs which is commonly known as to feed, clothe, shelter, provide health care and education for every citizen of a State or country. Nigeria is an underdeveloped country or as some scholars will like to put it “developing” country and poverty is one of the problems bedevilling the country.

Nigeria is rich in terms of natural resources. Nigeria is the sixth-largest exporter of oil in the world. The country is also blessed with vast arable land for agriculture and it is also rich in solid mineral. However, the country has been so bedevilled with bad leadership since independence, that the country today despite its redness in natural resources, is still one of the poorest countries in the world in terms of per capita income (Omemma, 2012).

Poverty has become so endemic in the land that the latest National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) put the National poverty rate at 67.1%. Poverty has been on a steady increase in the Nation. The endemic poverty level in the North-west is 77.7%, North-East is 76.3% which is much higher than that of the National poverty rate of 67.1%.

Poverty is so much that the former CBN Governor Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo said that poverty was an issue of the North. The former CBN governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi also said poverty is fueling Boko Haram, and in the same vein, former President of the United State of America, Bill Clinton echoed the same view as Sanusi Lamido. On the contrary, the poverty rate in Southern Nigeria is much lower, as poverty in the Southern part of Nigeria is below 49%. Statistics appear to grossly underestimate the immensity of poverty that defines Nigeria paradox of a rich country with poor masses. More than 90% of Nigeria are poor and exist largely at the mercy of fate. These realities are much more obvious in rural areas and slums. In these places, people die because they cannot afford the fee to get quality health care services, and worse still, people around may not be able to help as they too may not be able to collectively raise that amount.

The above statement corresponds with the assumption that this research work postulated which states that “inequality resulting from income and starvation can bring about the emergence of insurgents”.

Joseph Frankel (1968) asserted that foreign policy consists of actions involving states relationship with one another, it is very important to note here that the state or rather condition of the political, economic and social institutions of states can either make or mar their relation. This is because if Nigeria were to be without a recent security problem, foreign countries will be encouraged to maintain a free flow of trade transactions and foreign investors will be attracted to invest in our local industries. On the other hand, foreign investors will be scared to invest in a war turn atmosphere which is the case of present-day Nigeria, due to the fear of losing their funds. This statement also corresponds with assumption two of this research study which states that “internal insecurity arising from the emergence of insurgents is likely to affect Nigeria’s external relations”.

It is interesting to note that if the government is not proactive towards addressing the challenges of insecurity in Nigeria, most importantly with the trends and dimensions with which the dreaded Islamic sect popularly known as Boko Haram is carrying out its nefarious activities in the country, it is likely the country will experience another civil war which may invariably lead to disintegration. In addition, the business of security is everybody’s responsibility (Abimbola and Adesote, 2011). Thus, every responsive and patriotic Nigerian who believes that he/she has no other country except Nigeria should cooperate with the Nigerian State in finding a lasting solution to this ugly situation. For instance, in America, the issue of security is seen as a concern for every patriotic American. For example, if a crime is being committed in America and a passerby sees it and refuse to report the incident to the law enforcement agents, and maybe, later on, it was discovered that there was a passerby that the camera caught seeing that crime and never reported the case, that passerby is as guilty as the person who committed the crime. This shows that everybody has a role to play in the promotion of National security (Adeniran, 1996). The need for adequate collaboration and partnership between the governments, non-governmental organizations as well as civil society organization as advocated in this paper is also critical in the crusade toward addressing the challenges of domestic terrorism in the country. The re-evaluation of the country’s domestic and foreign policies is also advocated as means of combating the menace of insecurity in the county. This statement corresponds with assumption three of this research work which states that ‘the provision of adequate security in our territorial borders and within is likely to curb the activities of insurgents”.

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www.wikipedia.com “Boko Haram” 10th September 2015